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Elections in Sweden 2014: Why Sweden Democrats Party Succeeded to Become the Third Political Power i

  • Kristina Zaharieva
  • Sep 27, 2014
  • 6 min read

The current conditions in Swedish government can be observed as an obstacle, part of an already problematized political communication in European democracy. There is an uncertainty of post-modernity and the content, process and location of present politics are challenged. Questions about reliability, claims of truth and trust frequently occupy the dialogue between politicians and citizens. New social temptations and movements inspired by cultural, ideological and moral aspects leads to rather extreme political overturns in welfare states.

The results of elections in Sweden 2014 posed serious obstacles in front both institutionalists and governmental agents. The country`s immigration policy that became more intensive during the last decades puts the nation today in a leading position towards the admission of refugees in comparison the other Nordic states. This process affected inevitably the power balance in the Swedish Parliament expressed by a decrease the support of centre-right political wing (i.e. the New Moderate Party support fall with - 6, 7% and received 23, 3% on the elections) and an increase the sympathy for Sweden Democrats nationalist Party (SD). The last one raised its rating with + 7, 1 % by gaining 12, 9 % of the voters.

This rearrangement in authorities appears difficult to be assimilated by many of the Swedish citizens. The growing public hesitation mainly orientated towards the potential of political leaders to collaborate with each other and therefore to fulfil the adherents’ demands leaded to energetic discussions on media and social network platforms. Briefly, the majority do not have faith in the abilities of neither the leading Social Democratic Party nor the prime-minister Stefan Löfven to form a stable government (52%). The Alliance, i. e. a synonym of the centre- right coalition in Sweden including the New Moderate Party, the Centre Party, the Liberal People`s Party and the Christian Democrats Party, followers are not optimistic as well. Nine of ten supporters found the political situation unfavourable in relation the general perspective for further scholar, labour and entrepreneurship improvements. Only the Left Party adherents (77%) stand behind the strong opinion that a good political dialogue can be achieved despite the new parliamentary conditions. By examining all the data, it is impossible not to ask ourselves the question why the SD succeeded to become the third political power in the country and to destabilize on such level the national political agenda by simply determining the immigration issue as reason of waste economic resources that can be invested in more urgent matters such as education, unemployment and health care?

BBC News Hardtalk May 2013 - Jimmie Akesson: Swedish immigration is 'extreme'

Public Opinion Deliberation and Interest Advocacy

Theoretically, the public deliberation is comprehended as a major component of democracy motivated by a collective discourse regarding social concerns and political decision-making practices (Black et al. in Bucy & Holbert, 2011). This active mediation process is initially represented by small social groups that require for constructive politics and governmental proposals. The deliberative debate mainly refers to matters of participation equality, integration and balance of opinions, identity, collective civil goals and concerns. The process often traces a dialogue related to ethics, coalition formation and integrative complexity but it also becomes familiar with social conflict behaviour and need of institutional rational action.

According the SD electorate, the immigration in the country should be stopped since the national education system and health care services need more investments (Lönnaeus 2014). The increasing unemployment and need of social assistance are also pointed out as factors against the newcomers who appear competitors on state`s labour market and volunteers for government subsidies. Hesitation regarding the quality of the immigration human capital is not a hidden aspect of the voters` choice as well. The conditions in Syria and Iraq provokes suspicions that Sweden will become a target of terrorist attacks due to the state`s willingness of taking so many both emotionally and mentally damaged people from the Middle East region.

Although the current public opinion in Sweden appears disturbing regarding its xenophobic conduct, the attitude of public deliberation to explore immigration and integration processes as negative for the society aspects is not a new phenomenon caused by modernity. The image creation of enemies in debates over migration can be inspired, on one side, by authoritarian motive (e.g. power and hegemony) or by group interest advocacy, on another (Hendriks 2011). The second deliberative practice, that is also the case of SD victory, is represented by an organized group of activists who seek to influence the already established policy model by putting pressure on institutions, decision makers and broader public. When once become active, these empowered individuals can face strong opposition when encountering policy actors who are familiar with more competitive and interest orientated forms of political communication (e.g. The Social Democrats Party and The Alliance).

Reasons of the Swedish Nationalist Empowerment

Sweden is a welfare state with taxes 30 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and with one of the broadest redistribution of income that passes over the upper social class to the lower one. Even if this standard method seems functional for the middle class, the present economic, social, and political events demonstrate different evidence. Sweden Democrats Party became one of the strongest governmental representatives on national level not due to its characteristic to defend native identity but because of its readiness to protect the Swedish citizens` financial rights.

On this year elections, SD did not change its political platform but still the number of middle class supporters increased. Statistically, two-thirds of the ’ordinary’ adherents are men who originate from the working class with no higher education background. The group of ‘young selectionist` is between the age of 16 and 29 and its members also fall under the same description (Sannerstedt 2013). Those who represent the party new arrivals are mainly pensioners, unsatisfied of the governmental decision that pensions should be reduced (Lönnaeus 2014).

According to Bergh (2007), if we want to understand the current Swedish welfare`s effect properly, first we have to take under consideration that the universal welfare state has a contradictional redistributive effect on society: although low-income earners pay high taxes the high-income earners receive substantial benefits as well. Major reason that explains the present electoral movement from one political party to another is the enlarging redistribution of benefits to the middle class citizens who achieved to improve their living standards so their requirement towards institutions also expanded.

From political economic perspective, the universal welfare redistribution construction allows a majority support for bigger government budget which is beneficial for the labours through benefits are not necessarily targeted to low-income earners. In the Swedish particular case, the gradual increase of middle class citizens and their growing needs for social development leads to changes in the general public interest advocacy. Hence, it will not be false to tell that the results of Swedish elections 2014 represent a middle class deliberation process that initiates a political influence towards the welfare state in the name of further adjustment regarding labour, education and health care higher-quality services.

Who likes Sweden Democrats Anyway?

After observing all perspectives regarding SD political triumph: from discussing the public deliberation process and institutional pressure to explaining the reasons of Swedish interest advocacy and middle class transformation, it cannot be declared that the nationalists` success is inspired by irrational hate, racism or xenophobia but more of social reconstruction motions that inevitably reflect on Swedish political life.

The SD supporters do not recognise themselves as racists since for them the definition involves such notions as blood and genes. Even more, most of the voters proclaim that they are not against people from other countries or religious background but in opposition of migration that brings with itself a cultural collision based on economical preservation (Lönnaeus 2014).

The political and civil debate concerning the choice of Sweden Democrats Party is a social search of solution the national issues that become more publicly evident. To overcome particular groups` deliberation and to implement the welfare state`s redistribution properly as regards the growing population in the country, institutioners should take the nationalist presence in the Parliament into account and to evaluate different welfare programs that could diminish further activities caused by citizens` disaffection and acts of ethnical intolerance.

References:

Bergh, Andreas. (2007), ‘‘The Middle Class and the Swedish Welfare State. How Not to Measure Redistribution’’ in The Independent Review, v., XI, n.4, Spring 2007, pp.533-546.

Black, Laura W. Burkhalter, Stephanie. Gastil, John & Stromer- Galley, Jennifer. (2011) Analyzing and Measuring Group Deliberation in Bucy, Erik P. & Holbert, R. Lance (red) The Sourcebook for Political Communication Research: Methods, Measures, and Analytical Techniques. New York and UK: Routledge.

Eriksson, Göran. ’’Majoritet tror Löfven får det tufft’’. Sverige Dagblaget. 20 Sept, <http://www.svd.se/nyheter/valet2014/19-september-valet-2014_3935844.svd?sidan=9> (21.09.2014)

Hendriks. Carolyn M. (2011), The Politics of Public Deliberation: Citizen Engagement and Interest Advocacy, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan

’’Kolla hur Sverige-och dina grannar- röstade’’. Sverige Dagblaget. 15 Sept, <http://www.svd.se/nyheter/valet2014/grafik/> (21.09.2014)

Lönnaeus, Olle. (2014), ’’Varför växer SD i världens öppnaste land?’’. Sydsvenskan. 21 Sept, http://www.sydsvenskan.se/sverige/det-oppna-sverige/ (23.09.2014)

Persson, Kent. (2014), ’’Politiken som vi gick till val på ligger fast’’. Aftonbladet. 19 Sept, <http://www.aftonbladet.se/debatt/article19562797.ab> (21.09.2014)

Sannerstedt, Anders (2013) Vem älskar Sverigedemokraterna? En undersökning av partiets sympatisörer i Skåne i Jonas Ohlsson & Annika Bergström (red)Vanor och attityder i förändring. Samhälle, opinion och medier i Skåne. Göteborgs universitet: SOM-institutet

 
 
 

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       Kristina Zaharieva 
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